Introduction
This is our second and latest bulletin of 2025. It offers a broad overview of events and trends in gender, sexuality, and abortion policy throughout the year to complement the analysis developed in July that addressed the policies implemented by the Trump’s second administration and the US landscape.
This wider overview shows that even in those contexts where barriers are being raised to prevent de-democratization, anti-gender and anti-abortion rights offensives do not automatically subside. In Brazil, for example, as we will see, responses to contain anti-gender and anti-abortion rights offensives have not been as firm as they should be. Furthermore, as democratic erosion continues, anti-gender offensives are becoming increasingly widespread and robust. As we were finishing this edition, for example, José Antonio Kast won the Chilean presidential elections by a wide margin, which will have inevitable effects on abortion, gender, and sexuality policies.
In countries where democratic erosion is entrenched, these attacks have taken on drastic forms. This is the case in Paraguay, where, as our partner Mirta Moragas analyzes, the inclusion of a gender perspective, under attack since 2017, has just been abolished by presidential decree. On the other side of the Atlantic, in sub-Saharan Africa, the criminalization of LGBTQIA+ people continues to intensify, both in openly autocratic contexts and in countries where democratic conditions prevail, such as Ghana.
Before this English version (originally in Portuguese) of our bulletin was ready, the global authoritarian drive has achieved a landmark peak in January 3rd, as an US military operation invaded Venezuela and highjacked President Nicolás Maduro, now in jail in New York and facing criminal charges. The regional and global impacts were huge and are still in play, and we could not ignore it. Therefore, for now, we gathered news and analysis to provide our readers an extensive compilation to better understand the event and its implications, that will continue to unfold in the following years.
Despite the many threats and consolidated setbacks, the following pages also bring some good news. Even in very bleak contexts, paradoxes and shades can be identified that open windows for optimism. More importantly, there have been moments of vigorous resistance throughout the year, such as the large LGBTQIA+ marches in Argentina at the beginning of the year and in Budapest in June, and the massive “No Kings” protests that twice took to the streets in the US.
New Publications and Podcasts
Throughout 2025, SPW participated in several national and international events and, together with new and old partners, promoted debates and launched publications on the dynamics of anti-gender policies in this complex scenario of de-democratization (see compilation).
In the context of the “Pending and Emerging Dialogues”, we held two webinars. The first, in May, analyzed the domestic and transnational impacts of the Trump II administration. In June, we revisited successful mobilizations of resistance to far-right policies in the United States, Argentina, and Hungary. To watch the videos, check out the playlist.
In 2024, the Associació de Drets Sexuals i Reproductius invited Sonia Corrêa, co-coordinator of SPW, to conduct a study on the transnational impacts of the Spanish far right. The research involved Argentina, Chile, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Kenya, and its results, released in October this year, are available in the report “De España al Mundo: la proyección global de la ultraderecha española contra los derechos sexuales y reproductivos” (From Spain to the World: the global projection of the Spanish far right against sexual and reproductive rights), in Spanish and English (and also in Catalan).
Anti-gender politics
In the Americas
Brazil
We begin with Brazil, which, in the general climate of de-democratization, is often cited as an example of containing the far right. In light of the recent and historically unprecedented arrest of a former president, two generals, and an admiral for attempting a coup d’état, this assessment is correct. However, this firm defense of democracy at the political-institutional level contrasts with the persistence of structural violence, as seen in the shocking massacre that took place in Rio de Janeiro at the end of October. It also contrasts with the lukewarm response of the executive branch to the offensive by the same far right against gender and abortion rights, which has intensified in the country since 2023.
On the one hand, since Lula’s return to the presidency, spaces for social participation have been restored, where demands related to these issues and the voices that claim them have high visibility. However, in the sphere of concrete public policies, things run differently. An iconic case is the National Education Plan (PNE). Since the 2024 National Education Conference, which saw broad social participation, the plan’s content on gender and sexuality has been strongly attacked. And the bill brought before Congress for approval excluded the terms “gender,” “sexual orientation”, and “LGBTQIA+ population”—an exclusion that was maintained in the parliamentary debate. At the same time, as a recent article by Jamil Chade showed, there is open resistance to the inclusion of gender and sexuality perspectives within the Ministry of Education itself. According to research, this omission encourages censorship and persecution of teachers.
Another example is the Specialized Health Care Program for the Trans Population, launched in December 2024 after a long internal agreement process, including with the Tripartite Commission of SUS managers. As of the publication of this bulletin in December 2025, the ordinance implementing the policy had not been signed. Since 2024, this delay has been the subject of criticism in newspaper articles, public demands by the National Association of Transvestites and Transsexuals (ANTRA), and protests at the VII LGBTQIA+ Policy Conference and during the 14th Brazilian Congress on Public Health. This procrastination paved the way for the Federal Council of Medicine (CFM) to publish a resolution in April that alters the standard established in 2019, restricting medical parameters for gender reassignment and even making health care measures for trans children and adolescents unfeasible. The new rules were widely criticized; there are two lawsuits challenging the new rules, which were even ruled unconstitutional by the lower court, a decision later overturned by the Supreme Court.
Finally, in November, President Lula signed into law the National Plain Language Policy, which seeks to simplify the texts of public administration documents at all three levels of government. During the law’s passage through Congress, which began in 2019, its text was amended to also include a ban on the use of gender-neutral language. This prohibition was maintained by the sanction, even though in May of this year the STF declared state and municipal laws imposing the same prohibition to be unconstitutional.
Other countries
In Argentina, at the beginning of the year, the Milei government signed a decree aimed at prohibiting trans children and adolescents from gender affirming health care that, however, was later suspended by the courts. In early November, the country’s widely recognized HIV/AIDS prevention program was attacked, with funding for prevention and treatment campaigns and actions being drastically reduced, which exacerbates stigma and discrimination against vulnerable populations.
The effects of this measure are exacerbated by the broader dismantling of the health system, which stems from Milei´s policy aimed at demolishing the state, implemented since 2024. The government, which, as is well known, loudly defends freedom of expression, continues to openly attack feminism, including vigorously targeting feminist authors and works. Milei’s political aggression was boosted in the second half of the year by Trump’s financial bailout and the subsequent favorable results of the midterm legislative elections.
Another extreme case is El Salvador, where Bukele, a pioneering partner in Trump’s immigration policy, continues to amplify his offensive against gender. His policies, originally launched in the areas of education and cultural policy, were now extended to the prohibition of inclusive language—adopted as soon as the new minister of education, who is an army captain, took office. The (exiled) website El Faro has published extensively on this generally less debated feature of the regime (learn more here and here).
Finally, in Colombia, in the complex political context surrounding the 2026 presidential elections, the Comprehensive Trans Law proposal under debate in Congress has been met with regressive bills and disinformation campaigns led by politicians, celebrities, and religious leaders on the right of the political spectrum.
United States
As trans blogger Erin in the Morning reports daily, attacks on trans rights have not abated since January 2025. In September, spokespeople for the Heritage Foundation publicly called on the FBI to include “violent extremism inspired by transgender ideology” in its list of threats to American society. And in January 2026, it was announced that the Trump administration had decided to suspend funding for foreign organizations and governments that support diversity and gender identity initiatives. This is an expansion of the so-called gag law, which since the 1980s has prevented funding for foreign organizations that support abortion rights. In November, the State Department had already announced in its annual report on human rights that healthcare programs for transgender children and adolescents, as well as equality, diversity, and inclusion (DEI) policies, will now be considered serious violations of this right.
However, the most striking development in this battle was the Department of War’s summons of military commanders from all corners of the globe to a meeting at the Quantico military base in late September. The purpose of this emergency order, which sparked speculation of various kinds, was to bring these high-ranking officers together in the same room to hear Secretary Peter Hegseth vigorously call for the establishment of a “warrior ethos” in the Armed Forces. He also called for the definitive abolition of “wokism,” which, according to him, has long been contaminating American military standards. The event was widely criticized, generally in an ironic tone.
As we were finishing this newsletter, the Heritage Foundation’s strategy for 2026 to deepen Project 2025 was made public. Among the priorities for the year are proposals for increased investment in heterosexual nuclear families, opposition to abortion rights, and the consolidation of essentialist conceptions of gender. In addition, the Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) movement, led by Robert F. Kennedy Jr., has been guiding the policies of the Department of Health Services, which he heads, whose connections to anti-gender policies cannot be ignored. This includes statements that adding chemicals to water (such as fluoride) can cause sexual dysphoria and encourage the use of testosterone and, above all, various measures aimed at “protecting children” from the evils of modernity.
Lastly, it is particularly worrying that, since the beginning of the Trump administration, important voices in the Democratic Party have aligned themselves with far-right positions on trans women’s participation in sports and restrictions on trans health care. Beyond these domestic impacts, it is vital not to lose sight of the potential transnational contagion of Trump’s anti-gender policies.
On the other hand, it is also essential to remember that, in early November, the city of New York elected the socialist Democrat Zohran Mandani as mayor, a vigorous response to the daily logic of autocratization incited by Trump. Significantly, Mandani was elected without renouncing his opposition to the genocide in Gaza or his unconditional defense of gender identity rights.
Around the world
During the year, constitutional reforms, court decisions, decrees, and anti-gender public policies were also recorded in other quarters. In April, the UK Supreme Court, continuing the case brought against the Scottish gender identity law, ruled that the equality law only covers biological women designated as such at birth. Since then, several adjustments have been proposed to align public policies with the decision. Among others, a guideline is being drafted to exclude women from female spaces based on their appearance and behavior.
Subsequently, the Austrian Parliament banned inclusive language in its internal communications and administrative documents. In Slovakia, in September, a constitutional amendment was passed restricting social identity to “biological sexes,” making it more difficult to access sex reassignment surgery and prohibiting adoption by same-sex couples. The decision also restricted the provision of sex education, according to Amnesty International, constituting a draconian political setback.
This trend extends to Turkey, where a bill to reform the Penal and Civil Codes has been introduced, proposing to expand the criminalization of LGBTQIA+ people. If approved, the law will most directly affect transgender people, as it criminalizes behaviors considered “contrary to biological sex and morality” and prohibits health care and gender transition procedures for people under 25. In line with laws introduced in Russia in 2013, it makes so-called “homosexual propaganda” illegal, including journalistic production on LGBTQIA+ issues.
And, even in New Zealand — where acceptance of gender diversity is inherent in Maori culture — the new right-wing government announced in November a ban on hormone blockers for transgender children and adolescents. The measure was challenged in court by the Ateroa Trans Health Medical Association (the Maori name for the archipelago). And, in Canada, the province of Alberta also passed a legal amendment that, according to trans rights groups, “revokes the right to life of trans youth”.
Back in Europe, in Portugal, the ultra-conservative influence of Chega on the so-called democratic right-wing government is bearing fruit. In July, as in Paraguay, gender and sexuality education content was abolished from the national citizenship curriculum.
The world of sports
As we have systematically reported, restrictions on the participation of trans people, especially women, in a wide variety of sports have been multiplying since 2022. Incited, since before, by virulent campaigns by essentialist feminist groups, social actors, and far-right governments, as analyzed by Nana Soares article, these exclusionary measures were facilitated by the 2022 International Olympic Committee’s decision to decentralize the decision on the matter to specific federations. Since then, this wave has not cooled down.
In May, World Boxing implemented a genetic testing requirement to verify the biological sex of female boxers, a measure that is not unrelated to the attacks and threats that Algerian Imane Khelif has been suffering since the Paris Olympic Games. The athlete, who refused to take the test, has been suspended and cannot compete in the world championship that took place in September. Brazilian Nayara Ferreira, who plays for KV Dinamo in Albania, was also suspended by the country’s Volleyball Federation after being denounced as “a trans woman” by rival teams. According to Nayara: “They asked me for a gender test. I have played in seven countries, including Saudi Arabia. They have never asked me this question before, never”.
Tiffany Abreu, the Brazilian trans champion, was also barred from participating in the Club World Championship by the Gender Eligibility Committee of the International Volleyball Federation, whose criteria now prevent athletes who have transitioned after puberty from participating. And in the US, the Olympic and Paralympic Committees, under the impact of Trump’s February Executive Order, have also banned trans athletes from participating in women’s categories. The exclusion of trans women from Paralympic competitions is especially perverse.
LGBTQIA+ Rights
Good news
Despite these many setbacks, when looking at the broader picture of LGBTQIA+ rights, there is some good news, including with regard to the rights of transgender people.
Starting again with Brazil, despite considerable pressure and attacks, a significant number of Brazilian universities have instituted quotas for transgender people to enroll in undergraduate and graduate programs. This trend began in 2018 with quotas adopted by the Federal University of Southern Bahia and the Federal University of Bahia, was expanded in 2025 to other five public universities: UNIFESP, UFRJ, UnB, UFF, and UNICAMP. More recently, the UFMG Council voted for preliminary approval of a new trans quota system.
Also noteworthy was the IV National LGBTQIA+ Conference, which had not been held since 2016. According to Bruna Benevides, activist and president of ANTRA (National Association of Travestites e Transgender), this reopening of spaces for social participation in debates on public policy has been very favorable to the recognition of trans demands. Finally, the Federal Supreme Court extended the protection of the Maria da Penha Law to same-sex male couples and/or couples involving transvis and trans women.
Good news is also coming from the Caribbean. In Saint Lucia, the Supreme Court overturned a sodomy law inherited from colonial times (learn more here). In Cuba, Parliament passed a law expanding the rights of trans people, allowing them to change their gender on their identity documents without the need for sex reassignment surgery. And in Puerto Rico, despite the Trump administration’s anti-trans offensive, the Supreme Court recognized the right of non-binary people to update their birth certificates.
In Poland, the Supreme Court simplified gender change and social identity recognition, and the last of the so-called “LGBT-free zones” was finally abolished. And in South Korea, the government announced that the next National Census will record same-sex unions for the first time.
Back to the shadows
Between March and April, based on a previous law prohibiting LGBTQIA+ content for children, the Hungarian Parliament passed a constitutional reform banning Pride Marches in the country. There were strong protests from the opposition and, as already mentioned, in June, the LGBTQIA+ movement mobilized a colossal march in Budapest in which more than 300,000 people participated.
Returning to the US, not only are trans rights under attack, but there are signs that the Supreme Court may overturn the ban on so-called “conversion therapies”. This offensive contrasts with the strong presence of gay men in the Trump administration and its strategic circle, analyzed in a New York Times article. As the article shows, the antecedents of this wide gay presence can be traced back to the 2016 election, when Trump received the explicit support of tech mogul Peter Thiel, now recognized as the main Silicon Valley’s far-right intellectual.
As already mentioned, in sub-Saharan Africa, decrees and criminal laws against LGBTQIA+ people continue to proliferate. In Burkina Faso, a law criminalizing same-sex relationships was passed, which represents a serious setback, as there were no colonial sodomy laws in the country, as is the case in most African states. The approval was celebrated by Captain Ibrahim Traoré, leader of the military regime. In Niger, a High Court judge was removed from office by the military junta that governs the country for rejecting the conviction of two lesbian women accused of “public indecency.” And in Uganda, as shown in a recent HRW report, the systematic repression adopted by the Museveni regime, since the passage of the new anti-LGBTQIA+ criminal law in 2023, has drastically worsened the living conditions of this community.
However, similar legislation has also been passed or is under debate in countries where democratic rules prevail. In Namibia, a law prohibiting same-sex marriage was enacted by the president. In Ghana, a draconian bill against the rights of LGBTQIA+ people is advancing in Parliament. And, according to Amnesty International, abuses, persecution, and arbitrary arrests against the LGBTQIA+ population have also been occurring in Tunisia since last year.
In Asia and the Middle East, the news are not auspicious either. In Kazakhstan, the lower house passed legislation criminalizing so-called “LGBT propaganda,” mimicking the 2013 Russian law. In Hong Kong, Parliament rejected a bill in September that would have guaranteed certain rights to same-sex couples whose unions were celebrated abroad. For the first time since 2021, when Beijing intervened in the territory’s electoral process, the local legislature has rejected a bill of this nature. And in Indonesia, a proposed law that tightens censorship of LGBTQIA+ content on digital platforms has advanced in Congress, while police conduct fierce raids on private parties and gatherings of the community.
The LGB Alliance
A new development in the transnational landscape in 2025 was the emergence of the International LGB Alliance, a global platform that explicitly excludes transgender people. Created in the United Kingdom, the new platform shares the essentialist premises adopted by the Supreme Court in its ruling on the Scottish law. The International LGB Alliance has explicit ambitions to influence global human rights arenas.
Global Arenas
The UN, which has been facing a funding crisis for some time, the drastic effects from Trump’s suspension of US funding is accelerating the momentum for radical reform of its structure. From the perspective of gender and sexuality policy, one clear impact will come from the end of UNAIDS, which will be incorporated into the World Health Organization (WHO). However, the creation of a single humanitarian entity combining the operations of the FAO (Food and Agriculture), UNESCO (Education and Culture), and UNHCR (Refugees) may also negatively impact on these policy areas.
Yet more worrying are the effects on the human rights institutional architecture, as analyzed in an article published at the Geneva Solutions website. In this case, the reform will imply the potential loss of 300 staff members; the drastic reduction in the number of missions and the effects will be also felt on the very functioning of the Human Rights Council. In such a difficult context, it is encouraging to note that the Council—which, in April 2024, had approved a pioneering resolution on the rights of intersex people—approved a new resolution condemning discrimination, violence, and harmful practices against these people at its September session.
On the other hand, ultra-conservative pressures against gender and related issues continue their course. In October, the US government celebrated the fifth anniversary of the so-called Geneva Consensus, an informal platform for the defense of the “family” and the rejection of abortion rights, created during Trump’s first term. On that occasion, Equatorial Guinea’s accession to the group was celebrated. Although the performance of this “club” is not exactly extraordinary at the international level, as shown by an IPAS study, its guidelines have been translated into national policies in Guatemala and Uganda. Additional foreign policies measures aimed at curtailing abortion and gender related rights were expected to be announced by the Trump administration in late January, 2026.
No less important, in the negotiations of the Gender Action Plan of the final document of the UN Climate Change Conference (COP 30), in November, in Belém, the term gender was vigorously attacked. The scene replicated, in a way, the 1995 episode when, during the preparation for the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, the term gender was strongly attacked, an event that has been widely recognized as the first symptom of today´s anti- gender today.
In Belém, the attack was led by Argentina, Paraguay, Iran, and the Vatican, whose actions were, as always, more discreet. Commenting on the controversy, Mary Robinson — former president of Ireland and first UN High Commissioner for Human Rights — described this renewed attack as “madness and cruelty.” After much back and forth, however, the word gender was preserved in the final text, even though the delegations opposing it made reservations, declaring, as usual, that they would interpret it as “sex.” From an intersectional perspective, it is important to mention that there strong controversy has also flared in relation to the inclusion of the term “Afro-descendant” in the sections referring to women rights, but at the end this clash was also overcome.
Regional Systems
The conditions of the Inter-American Human Rights System are also not auspicious either. As analyzed by Mirta Moragas, it has been under attack by ultra-conservative forces, at least since 2013. Since Trump’s return, these offensives have inevitably taken on more complex contours. At the OAS General Assembly in June 2025, the US candidate was elected to one of the seats on the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. Then, in November, as described by Jamil Chade, this situation became even more complicated with the resignation of the Guyanese commissioner. Despite these tensions and uncertainties, in January 2026, the Inter-American Court issued a very significant decision, once again condemning the State of Honduras for violating the Pact of San José in the case of the femicide of Leonella Zelaya.
Reproductive Rights and Abortion
Despite the many shadows cast over the overall gender and sexuality policy landscape, there are some good news to report on abortion rights. In Sierra Leone, a law is expected to be passed that expands women’s reproductive rights and decriminalizes abortion, despite strong opposition from US anti-abortion groups operating in the country. In Malawi, the country’s Supreme Court recognized the right to safe abortion for women and girls who are victims of sexual violence.
In Mexico, the State of Mexico has approved the decriminalization of abortion, bringing to 23 the number of federal entities in which abortion is legal. In Spain, in October, the government presented a bill to constitutionalize the right to abortion, even though there are not enough votes for its approval in Parliament. And in the United Kingdom, the House of Commons repealed, more than 160 years later, the article of the 1861 Penal Code that continued to punish women who had an abortion after the 24th week of pregnancy.
However…
In Brazil, in October, ADPF 442 — demanding the decriminalization of abortion up to the 14th week — received a favorable vote from Minister Luís Roberto Barroso before his retirement. SPW analyzed the positive and negative aspects of the vote considering the obstacles that persist in abortion rights policy in Brazil. These barriers , it should be said, were revived as soon as the Minister declared his vote. In early November, the Chamber of Deputies approved, in an emergency maneuver, a bill that suspends the 2024 resolution of the National Council for Children and Adolescents (Conanda), which regulates access to legal abortion for minors under 14 years of age.
There are also setbacks to report in relation to reproductive rights in other Latin American countries. In Argentina, the Milei administration’s chainsaw has not spared health policies, as a Human Rights Watch report shows. One drastic effect of these measures was the definitive demolition of the National Program for the Prevention of Teenage Pregnancy, whose positive effects had been widely recognized. The Milei administration has also presented Congress with a proposal to reform the Penal Code, the full content of which has not yet been disclosed. However, it cannot be ruled out that the bill will include the criminalization of “damage to the fetus,” which would restrict the 2020 law that legalized voluntary termination of pregnancy.
In Costa Rica, President Rodrigo Chaves restricted the legal abortion protocol to cases where the pregnant woman’s life is at risk. And in the Dominican Republic, the reform of the Penal Code maintained the absolute criminalization of abortion, which feminists and other voices in favor of abortion rights have been fighting against since 2010. Amnesty International severely criticized the reform.
Finally, returning to the US, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) review of the safety of mifepristone can lead to sharp restrictions on access to the drug that, in combination with misoprostol, has become the primary means of accessing abortion since the 2022 Dobbs decision. The Mother Jones website analyzed the scope of restrictions that could result from this review. Paradoxically, the same FDA approved the generic form of mifepristone two weeks later, inciting the ire of anti-abortion groups. Above all, epidemiological data are confirming the bleakest predictions about the deleterious effects of the repeal of Roe v. Wade. The Center for Reproductive Rights Bulletin reports that maternal mortality rates have increased in states that have banned or restricted the procedure. The picture is also dramatic in relation to child mortality.
Sex Work
December marks one year since the Belgian law granting prostitutes in the country the same labor rights as other professions was passed. France 24, The Low Countries news website, and The Guardian produced reports throughout 2025 detailing the positive effects of this pioneering law, even though its implementation still faces obstacles.
Sexuality & Art
Transclandestina 3020 – The theme of the work by trans artist Manaura Clandestina exhibited at the 36th São Paulo Biennial is Not every traveler walks the roads – From humanity as practice. The multimedia installation projects video images of a grim dystopia in which trans people are hunted by elegant female police officers in high heels. But it also opens surprising routes of liberation through the paths of performative creativity.
Somos Personas – La Brújula Intersexual – La Brújula Intersexual, a Facebook profile curated by Mexican activist Laura Inter, launched a project to portray intersex people from many parts of the world. Its main motivation was to challenge medical discourses and stigmatizing representations of intersexuality that proliferate in biomedicine books. All portraits were made in dialogue with the people portrayed and include experiential elements that are meaningful to them.
Farewell
In 2025, we lost Norma Swenson. She was one of the founders of the Boston Women’s Collective that, in the 1970s, published the book “Our Bodies, Ourselves”, which became an undeniable inspiration for activism in the realm of sexual and reproductive rights. In partnership with the Collective, Cepia, SOS Corpo, and the Ser-tão Center at UFG, SPW promoted a webinar to celebrate the translation. Our dear Norma attended it and her heartful testimony about her visit to Brazil in 1984 was deeply touching.
We recommend
De-democratization and far-right
Fascism by the Book – Project Syndicate
He Studies Fascism. Is He Now Living Through It? – Mother Jones
Nick Fuentes Is Not Just Another Alt-Right Boogeyman – New Yorker
The Rise of Technofascists – Atlantic
Trump’s Total Lawfare – Project Syndicate
One Year Into Trump 2.0, Elon Musk Is Still Poised to Be Kingmaker – The Nation
How Central American Autocrats Are Seeking to Erase University Autonomy – El Faro
Anti-gender Politics
Project 2025 Was Just the Start. Heritage Foundation Has an Anti-LGBTQ+ Scheme for 2026, Too – Them
BBC Now Calling Trans Women ‘Biological Males Who Identify As Women’ – Erin in The Morning
The Far Right’s Gender Playbook – Project Syndicate
Reproductive Rights and pro-natalism
Abortion Bans Are Never Just About Abortion – The Nation
The MAHA-Fueled Rise of Natural Family Planning – NY Times
The rise of pronatalism: why Musk, Vance and the right want women to have more babies – The Guardian
A look inside the pronatalism movement encouraging Americans to have more children – PBS
Israel is waging a reproductive genocide against Palestinian mothers in Gaza – Middle East Eye
LGBTQIA+ Rights
How much of Project 2025 has actually been accomplished this year? – 19th News
Anti-LGBTQ+ hate crimes have risen around the world since 2020: report – Advocate